You sound like you're still pouting, still losing.
LMAO! Game, set, match.
Such a hoot, aint it Cletus? sit tight, your Carrier air conditioning manufacturing job is coming back soon. Trump said so and he loves the uneducated and unskilled. He doesn't lie does he?
You sound desperate. And scared. Good luck Cletus!
1. Comey's new boss Jeff Sessions wants to mold the FBI in his image and wanted Comey gone.
2. The day before the firing, former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper testified under oath at the shit show masquerading as hearings that he had seen no evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. This gave Trump the opening he needed. In other words Trump can’t be accused of firing Comey to stop “the truth” emerging about a Trump-Russia collusion. There is no collusion.
And then when asked if there was any information he had seen on financial dealings. No comment.
There was also subpoenas recently sent to the financial crimes section of the treasury department.
Nothing to see here. Move right along
Keep dreaming little Donnie, eventually one of these conspiracies theories will come true and you will feel vindicated.
You sound like you're still pouting, still losing.
LMAO! Game, set, match.
Such a hoot, aint it Cletus? sit tight, your Carrier air conditioning manufacturing job is coming back soon. Trump said so and he loves the uneducated and unskilled. He doesn't lie does he?
You sound desperate. And scared. Good luck Cletus!
1. Comey's new boss Jeff Sessions wants to mold the FBI in his image and wanted Comey gone.
2. The day before the firing, former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper testified under oath at the shit show masquerading as hearings that he had seen no evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. This gave Trump the opening he needed. In other words Trump can’t be accused of firing Comey to stop “the truth” emerging about a Trump-Russia collusion. There is no collusion.
And then when asked if there was any information he had seen on financial dealings. No comment.
There was also subpoenas recently sent to the financial crimes section of the treasury department.
Nothing to see here. Move right along
Keep dreaming little Donnie, eventually one of these conspiracies theories will come true and you will feel vindicated.
Like prolly around the end of 2023, at this rate.
Yep and Trump is doing a fabulous job of quashing the theorizing by firing everyone who is investigating him.
U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson had appointed Cox in May, after promising the House Committee on the Judiciary that he would appoint a special prosecutor to investigate the events surrounding the break-in of the Democratic National Committee's offices at the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C., on June 17, 1972. The appointment was created as a career reserved position in the Justice department, meaning it came under the authority of the attorney general who could only remove the special prosecutor "for cause," e.g., gross improprieties or malfeasance in office. Richardson had, in his confirmation hearings before the U.S. Senate, promised not to use his authority to dismiss the Watergate special prosecutor, unless for cause.
When Cox issued a subpoena to Nixon, asking for copies of taped conversations recorded in the Oval Office, the president refused to comply. On Friday, October 19, 1973, Nixon offered what was later known as the Stennis Compromise—asking the infamously hard-of-hearing Senator John C. Stennis of Mississippi to review and summarize the tapes for the special prosecutor's office. Cox refused the compromise that same evening and it was believed that there would be a short rest in the legal maneuvering while government offices were closed for the weekend.
However, the following day (Saturday) Nixon ordered Attorney General Richardson to fire Cox. Richardson refused and resigned in protest. Nixon then ordered Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus to fire Cox. Ruckelshaus also refused and resigned – and the Saturday Night Massacre was complete.[3]
Nixon then ordered the Solicitor General of the United States, Robert Bork, as acting head of the Justice Department, to fire Cox. Both Richardson and Ruckelshaus had given personal assurances to Congressional oversight committees that they would not interfere, but Bork had not. Although Bork later claimed he believed Nixon's order to be valid and appropriate, he still considered resigning to avoid being "perceived as a man who did the President's bidding to save my job."[4] Nevertheless, having been brought to the White House by limousine and sworn in as acting attorney general, Bork wrote the letter firing Cox.[5] Initially, the White House claimed to have fired Ruckelshaus,[citation needed] but as an article published the next day by The Washington Post pointed out, "The letter from the President to Bork also said Ruckelshaus resigned."[this quote needs a citation]
The night he was fired, Cox's deputy prosecutor and press aides held an impassioned news briefing and read the following statement from him, “Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people.”[6]
On November 14, 1973, federal district judge Gerhard Gesell ruled firing Cox was illegal absent a finding of extraordinary impropriety as specified in the regulation establishing the special prosecutor's office.[5] Congress was infuriated by what it saw as a gross abuse of presidential power as did many Americans, who sent an unusually large number of telegrams to the White House and Congress in protest.[7][8][9]
Less than a week after the Saturday Night Massacre, an Oliver Quayle poll for NBC News showed that, for the first time, a plurality of U.S. citizens supported impeaching Nixon, with 44% in favor, 43% opposed, and 13% undecided, with a sampling error of 2 to 3 per cent.[10] In the days that followed, numerous resolutions of impeachment against the president were introduced in Congress.
But the House Judiciary Committee did not approve its first article of impeachment until July 27th the following year – more than nine months after the Saturday Night Massacre – when it charged Nixon with obstruction of justice. Two more articles of impeachment quickly followed.
Nixon resigned less than two weeks later, on Aug. 8, 1974.
U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson had appointed Cox in May, after promising the House Committee on the Judiciary that he would appoint a special prosecutor to investigate the events surrounding the break-in of the Democratic National Committee's offices at the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C., on June 17, 1972. The appointment was created as a career reserved position in the Justice department, meaning it came under the authority of the attorney general who could only remove the special prosecutor "for cause," e.g., gross improprieties or malfeasance in office. Richardson had, in his confirmation hearings before the U.S. Senate, promised not to use his authority to dismiss the Watergate special prosecutor, unless for cause.
When Cox issued a subpoena to Nixon, asking for copies of taped conversations recorded in the Oval Office, the president refused to comply. On Friday, October 19, 1973, Nixon offered what was later known as the Stennis Compromise—asking the infamously hard-of-hearing Senator John C. Stennis of Mississippi to review and summarize the tapes for the special prosecutor's office. Cox refused the compromise that same evening and it was believed that there would be a short rest in the legal maneuvering while government offices were closed for the weekend.
However, the following day (Saturday) Nixon ordered Attorney General Richardson to fire Cox. Richardson refused and resigned in protest. Nixon then ordered Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus to fire Cox. Ruckelshaus also refused and resigned – and the Saturday Night Massacre was complete.[3]
Nixon then ordered the Solicitor General of the United States, Robert Bork, as acting head of the Justice Department, to fire Cox. Both Richardson and Ruckelshaus had given personal assurances to Congressional oversight committees that they would not interfere, but Bork had not. Although Bork later claimed he believed Nixon's order to be valid and appropriate, he still considered resigning to avoid being "perceived as a man who did the President's bidding to save my job."[4] Nevertheless, having been brought to the White House by limousine and sworn in as acting attorney general, Bork wrote the letter firing Cox.[5] Initially, the White House claimed to have fired Ruckelshaus,[citation needed] but as an article published the next day by The Washington Post pointed out, "The letter from the President to Bork also said Ruckelshaus resigned."[this quote needs a citation]
The night he was fired, Cox's deputy prosecutor and press aides held an impassioned news briefing and read the following statement from him, “Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people.”[6]
On November 14, 1973, federal district judge Gerhard Gesell ruled firing Cox was illegal absent a finding of extraordinary impropriety as specified in the regulation establishing the special prosecutor's office.[5] Congress was infuriated by what it saw as a gross abuse of presidential power as did many Americans, who sent an unusually large number of telegrams to the White House and Congress in protest.[7][8][9]
Less than a week after the Saturday Night Massacre, an Oliver Quayle poll for NBC News showed that, for the first time, a plurality of U.S. citizens supported impeaching Nixon, with 44% in favor, 43% opposed, and 13% undecided, with a sampling error of 2 to 3 per cent.[10] In the days that followed, numerous resolutions of impeachment against the president were introduced in Congress.
But the House Judiciary Committee did not approve its first article of impeachment until July 27th the following year – more than nine months after the Saturday Night Massacre – when it charged Nixon with obstruction of justice. Two more articles of impeachment quickly followed.
Nixon resigned less than two weeks later, on Aug. 8, 1974.
So there's still time for Trump to dissolve Congress
U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson had appointed Cox in May, after promising the House Committee on the Judiciary that he would appoint a special prosecutor to investigate the events surrounding the break-in of the Democratic National Committee's offices at the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C., on June 17, 1972. The appointment was created as a career reserved position in the Justice department, meaning it came under the authority of the attorney general who could only remove the special prosecutor "for cause," e.g., gross improprieties or malfeasance in office. Richardson had, in his confirmation hearings before the U.S. Senate, promised not to use his authority to dismiss the Watergate special prosecutor, unless for cause.
When Cox issued a subpoena to Nixon, asking for copies of taped conversations recorded in the Oval Office, the president refused to comply. On Friday, October 19, 1973, Nixon offered what was later known as the Stennis Compromise—asking the infamously hard-of-hearing Senator John C. Stennis of Mississippi to review and summarize the tapes for the special prosecutor's office. Cox refused the compromise that same evening and it was believed that there would be a short rest in the legal maneuvering while government offices were closed for the weekend.
However, the following day (Saturday) Nixon ordered Attorney General Richardson to fire Cox. Richardson refused and resigned in protest. Nixon then ordered Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus to fire Cox. Ruckelshaus also refused and resigned – and the Saturday Night Massacre was complete.[3]
Nixon then ordered the Solicitor General of the United States, Robert Bork, as acting head of the Justice Department, to fire Cox. Both Richardson and Ruckelshaus had given personal assurances to Congressional oversight committees that they would not interfere, but Bork had not. Although Bork later claimed he believed Nixon's order to be valid and appropriate, he still considered resigning to avoid being "perceived as a man who did the President's bidding to save my job."[4] Nevertheless, having been brought to the White House by limousine and sworn in as acting attorney general, Bork wrote the letter firing Cox.[5] Initially, the White House claimed to have fired Ruckelshaus,[citation needed] but as an article published the next day by The Washington Post pointed out, "The letter from the President to Bork also said Ruckelshaus resigned."[this quote needs a citation]
The night he was fired, Cox's deputy prosecutor and press aides held an impassioned news briefing and read the following statement from him, “Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people.”[6]
On November 14, 1973, federal district judge Gerhard Gesell ruled firing Cox was illegal absent a finding of extraordinary impropriety as specified in the regulation establishing the special prosecutor's office.[5] Congress was infuriated by what it saw as a gross abuse of presidential power as did many Americans, who sent an unusually large number of telegrams to the White House and Congress in protest.[7][8][9]
Less than a week after the Saturday Night Massacre, an Oliver Quayle poll for NBC News showed that, for the first time, a plurality of U.S. citizens supported impeaching Nixon, with 44% in favor, 43% opposed, and 13% undecided, with a sampling error of 2 to 3 per cent.[10] In the days that followed, numerous resolutions of impeachment against the president were introduced in Congress.
But the House Judiciary Committee did not approve its first article of impeachment until July 27th the following year – more than nine months after the Saturday Night Massacre – when it charged Nixon with obstruction of justice. Two more articles of impeachment quickly followed.
Nixon resigned less than two weeks later, on Aug. 8, 1974.
You wouldn't want to answer my telegrams for a week
1. Comey's new boss Jeff Sessions wants to mold the FBI in his image and wanted Comey gone.
2. The day before the firing, former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper testified under oath at the shit show masquerading as hearings that he had seen no evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. This gave Trump the opening he needed. In other words Trump can’t be accused of firing Comey to stop “the truth” emerging about a Trump-Russia collusion. There is no collusion.
And then when asked if there was any information he had seen on financial dealings. No comment.
There was also subpoenas recently sent to the financial crimes section of the treasury department.
Nothing to see here. Move right along
Keep dreaming little Donnie, eventually one of these conspiracies theories will come true and you will feel vindicated.
Like prolly around the end of 2023, at this rate.
Yep and Trump is doing a fabulous job of quashing the theorizing by firing everyone who is investigating him.
1. Comey's new boss Jeff Sessions wants to mold the FBI in his image and wanted Comey gone.
2. The day before the firing, former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper testified under oath at the shit show masquerading as hearings that he had seen no evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. This gave Trump the opening he needed. In other words Trump can’t be accused of firing Comey to stop “the truth” emerging about a Trump-Russia collusion. There is no collusion.
And then when asked if there was any information he had seen on financial dealings. No comment.
There was also subpoenas recently sent to the financial crimes section of the treasury department.
Nothing to see here. Move right along
Keep dreaming little Donnie, eventually one of these conspiracies theories will come true and you will feel vindicated.
Like prolly around the end of 2023, at this rate.
Yep and Trump is doing a fabulous job of quashing the theorizing by firing everyone who is investigating him.
Comments
Like prolly around the end of 2023, at this rate.
Douche it up!
Douche it up!
Rosenstein isn't happy
hth
When Cox issued a subpoena to Nixon, asking for copies of taped conversations recorded in the Oval Office, the president refused to comply. On Friday, October 19, 1973, Nixon offered what was later known as the Stennis Compromise—asking the infamously hard-of-hearing Senator John C. Stennis of Mississippi to review and summarize the tapes for the special prosecutor's office. Cox refused the compromise that same evening and it was believed that there would be a short rest in the legal maneuvering while government offices were closed for the weekend.
However, the following day (Saturday) Nixon ordered Attorney General Richardson to fire Cox. Richardson refused and resigned in protest. Nixon then ordered Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus to fire Cox. Ruckelshaus also refused and resigned – and the Saturday Night Massacre was complete.[3]
Nixon then ordered the Solicitor General of the United States, Robert Bork, as acting head of the Justice Department, to fire Cox. Both Richardson and Ruckelshaus had given personal assurances to Congressional oversight committees that they would not interfere, but Bork had not. Although Bork later claimed he believed Nixon's order to be valid and appropriate, he still considered resigning to avoid being "perceived as a man who did the President's bidding to save my job."[4] Nevertheless, having been brought to the White House by limousine and sworn in as acting attorney general, Bork wrote the letter firing Cox.[5] Initially, the White House claimed to have fired Ruckelshaus,[citation needed] but as an article published the next day by The Washington Post pointed out, "The letter from the President to Bork also said Ruckelshaus resigned."[this quote needs a citation]
The night he was fired, Cox's deputy prosecutor and press aides held an impassioned news briefing and read the following statement from him, “Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people.”[6]
On November 14, 1973, federal district judge Gerhard Gesell ruled firing Cox was illegal absent a finding of extraordinary impropriety as specified in the regulation establishing the special prosecutor's office.[5] Congress was infuriated by what it saw as a gross abuse of presidential power as did many Americans, who sent an unusually large number of telegrams to the White House and Congress in protest.[7][8][9]
Less than a week after the Saturday Night Massacre, an Oliver Quayle poll for NBC News showed that, for the first time, a plurality of U.S. citizens supported impeaching Nixon, with 44% in favor, 43% opposed, and 13% undecided, with a sampling error of 2 to 3 per cent.[10] In the days that followed, numerous resolutions of impeachment against the president were introduced in Congress.
But the House Judiciary Committee did not approve its first article of impeachment until July 27th the following year – more than nine months after the Saturday Night Massacre – when it charged Nixon with obstruction of justice. Two more articles of impeachment quickly followed.
Nixon resigned less than two weeks later, on Aug. 8, 1974.
Helps Trump.